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CHILDREN ASSOCIATED WITH ARMED GROUPS AND ARMED FORCES:
EXPERIENCES FROM CAMEROON
| Kelly Ngesungwo Jabosung |
The University of Buea | Department of Sociology and Anthropology | Cameroon |
| Received June 30, 20221 | | Accepted August , 2022 | | Published August 14, 2022 | | ID Article | Kelly-Ref2-ajira200722 |
ABSTRACT
Background: The Anglophone regions of Cameroon have since 2016 witnessed a socio-political crisis which has deteriorated overtime.
Marked by massive displacement and disruption of education, children in these regions have been exposed to various forms of violence
and exploitation, association and use by state and non-state armed groups which negatively affects their wellbeing and development.
The recruitment of children, including girls, is often considered as forced, coerced, manipulated or “voluntary,” although the distinction
has no legal significance and recruitment remains unlawful for minors, regardless of the process. Objectives: This paper explores the
national and international frameworks protecting children in humanitarian crisis and the specific experiences of children associated with
armed groups and armed forces in the ongoing socio-political crisis in Cameroon. Methodology: The research is based on key
informant interviews, FGDs and observations conducted in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon. The data for this article
is based on qualitative analysis of the narratives of 10 children associated with armed groups and armed forces in detention, 10
children associated with armed groups selected from the communities, 10 community members and, 10 INGO staff selected from the
communities under study. The sample size was purely purposive, given the sensitive nature of the research. Results: Findings from
this research reveals that, children’s association with armed groups and armed forces are diverse in levels and forms which can either
be triggered by personal, family and community factors. Conclusion: This paper recommends that, children who have been unlawfully
recruited and who are accused of having committed domestic or international crimes during armed conflicts should be regarded
primarily as victims, not as perpetrators, and treated as such, and every programming aimed at sentencing or response should aim at
rehabilitation and reintegration and not punishment.
Key Words: justice for children, child protection, Children associated with armed groups and armed forces, armed conflict, rehabilitation, reintegration.
1. INTRODUCTION
Conflict disproportionately affects women and children. In many conflict-affected areas, children form up to half of the
population, and girls and boys are frequently illegally recruited into armed forces and groups, ICRC (2012)
[1]
.
The
prevailing social conditions (community violence, poverty, the absence of schools and support structures, separation of
families and the emergence of unaccompanied and internally displaced children), increases the likelihood of children’s
association and recruitment into armed forces and armed groups. Children who are without their parents, because of
death or displacement, are more vulnerable than those living with their families, and at greater risk of recruitment into
these armed forces or armed groups. Children are most vulnerable to recruitment because, they are easily manipulated,
are not fully aware of the dangers and have undeveloped notions of right and wrong. Globally, 250,000 children are
estimated to be associated with armed forces and groups, with the situation being more acute in Africa, Save The
Children (2010)
[2]
.
Over the last four years, escalating violence and attacks against civilians and children in the Northwest and Southwest
regions of Cameroon have forced many families to flee from their homes, putting children and young people at risk of
injury and disability, physical and sexual violence, psychosocial distress, separation from families, recruitment, and
various forms of association with armed groups and armed forces. According to the latest Humanitarian report provided
by OCHA (2019)
[3]
on Cameroon, 4,300,000 people have been identified as in need of humanitarian assistance of which
2,300,000 are children under 18 years. More precisely, schools have become an important focus of the crisis due to the
implementation of school boycotts, severely affecting a whole generation of children. Not only due to the intrinsic dangers
and physical violence involved, but because forced absenteeism has exposed these children to significant risks of diverse
forms of sexual violence, association to armed forces and armed groups, and family separation.
According to OCHA’s 2019 HNO
[3]
, the risks of sexual and gender-based violence and child protection violations have
particularly increased in the Northwest and Southwest region. Essentially due to forced displacement, seizure of daily
activities for adults and children out of school; young girls and boys have become considerably more vulnerable, and the
crisis has distanced them from education and employment opportunities, making them more likely to be instrumentalised.
Displacements, violations of Human Rights and Children’s Rights, family, and community dislocation, have become
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
*Corresponding author Author & Copyright Author © 2022: | Kelly Ngesungwo Jabosung * |.
All Rights Reserved. All articles published in American Journal of Innovative
Research and Applied Sciences are the property of Atlantic Center Research Sciences, and is protected by copyright laws CC-BY. See:
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-
nc/4.0/
.
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normalized in Cameroonian’s daily lives (ibid). Additionally, the destruction of infrastructure has implied further risks to
children. Materializing as a direct consequence of the conflict, vital infrastructures throughout the two regions have been
destroyed, closed, or abandoned. Hospitals, markets, schools, roads, and other key facilities have experienced the violent
repercussions of the crisis. In fact, the destruction of infrastructure is a direct factor in the increased levels of insecurity in
the country (ibid).
According to the Multi-sectoral Needs Assessment conducted in 2018 by CRS
[4]
, because of school boycotts, children are
facing serious long-term consequences for their development, and have become extremely vulnerable in the short term.
Young men and boys who have been targeted by armed forces and armed groups. are often forced to flee their homes to
avoid being recruited, yet voluntary enrolment has also been reported to be a coping mechanism adopted by many of
them. A traditional leader interviewed by International Medical Corps in July 2018 alerted of the risks to which men and
boys were being subjected. Specifically, he warned the organization that to avoid more cases of crime and drug
consumption, urgent needs for sensitization are required and the incentivization for creating new jobs could prevent
enrolment in armed groups.
The recruitment of children, including girls, is often considered as forced, coerced, manipulated or “voluntary,” although
the distinction has no legal significance and recruitment remains unlawful for minors, regardless of the process. There are
few exceptions to recruitment of children by armed forces, but with limitations to the role they can play (e.g., not in
combat roles). In practice, the frontiers between the various forms of recruitment are blurred and purely voluntary
recruitment is challenging to determine, as various risk factors and drivers influence child association with armed forces or
armed groups
[5]
.
1.1 Legal and Normative Framework
The recruitment and use of children by armed forces and armed groups is prohibited by international human rights law
and the international criminal law
[6]
. In the event of an international armed conflict, children not taking part in hostilities
are protected by GCIV (Geneva Convention) relative to the protection of civilians and by AP (Additional Protocol). They
are covered by the fundamental guarantees that these treaties provide, the right to life, the prohibitions on coercion,
corporal punishment, torture, collective punishment and reprisals (Art. 27-34 GCIV and Art. 75 API) and by the rules of
API on the conduct of hostilities, including both the principle that a distinction must be made between civilians and
combatants and the prohibition on attacks against civilians (Art. 48 and 51). In the event of non-international armed
conflict, children are also covered by the fundamental guarantees for persons not taking direct part in the hostilities (Art.
3 common to the GC and Art. 4 APII). They are further protected by the principle that “the civilian population as such, as
well as individual civilians, shall not be the object of attack” (Art. 13 APII).
International Human Rights Law, particularly the Convention on the Rights of the Child, provides the core principles for
always protecting the rights of all children, more specifically it prohibits the recruitment and the participation in conflict of
children of less than 15 years of age. It lays down State obligations in several areas which are of direct relevance to
children recruited by armed forces or at risk thereof. These include the protection of separated and unaccompanied
children; the recovery and social reintegration of children victim of neglect, exploitation or abuse, torture, ill treatment, or
punishment, as well as of armed conflicts; children’s right to education; the prohibition of torture and the unlawful or
arbitrary deprivation of liberty; and treatment under the juvenile justice system.
The ILO Convention No. 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child
Labour defines children as under 18 years and refers to forced and compulsory recruitment of children in armed conflict
as one of the worst forms of child labour. An Optional Protocol to the CRC on the involvement of children in armed
conflict was adopted in the year 2000 which raised the minimum age for direct participation in hostilities and compulsory
recruitment to 18 years, urging armed groups not to recruit or use children under the age of 18 and calling on State
Parties to take all feasible measures to criminalize such practices. This Optional Protocol builds on the 1999 African
Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child which prohibits all recruitment of children under age 18, forced or
voluntary, by armed groups and armed forces. The charter is the only regional treaty in the world which addresses the
issue of child soldiers. It defines a child as anyone below 18 years of age without exception and charges States to ensure
that no child takes direct part in hostilities and to refrain from recruiting any child.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child requires States Parties to:
“Take all feasible measures to ensure that persons who have not attained the age of fifteen years do not take
a direct part in hostilities” (Article 38/2); and
“Refrain from recruiting any person who has not attained the age of fifteen years into their armed forces. In
recruiting among those persons who have attained the age of fifteen years but have not attained the age of
eighteen years, States Parties shall endeavor to give priority to those who are oldest” (Article 38/3).
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In Cameroon, the international laws and treaties ratified by the state complements the national laws. The protection of
human rights in general and of children is framed in Cameroon by a legal arsenal consisting of protocols, ratified charters
and international conventions, national laws, and regulations. This implies that, Cameroon is privy to the international
laws protecting children from various forms of recruitment and association with armed groups and armed forces. The
preamble of Law No. 06 of 18 January 1996 amending the 1972 Constitution states that "
the human being without
distinction of race, religion, sex or creed possesses sacred inalienable rights
." In it is also found Cameroon's
commitment to fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Charter, the
African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and all related and duly ratified international conventions.
At the international level,
as said by the Head of State, His Excellency Paul Biya at the UN Special Session on
Children in 2002, "
Cameroon has ratified almost all international legal instruments on the child.
"
It may well include but not limited to:
The Convention on the Rights of the Child on 11 January 1993;
The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, 05 September 1996;
Convention No. 138 of the ILO Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, 14 April 1998;
Convention No. 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, on 27 May 2002;
The Optional Protocol to the CRC Protocol of 18 December 1989 on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, instrument of accession dated December 4, 2004;
Supplementing the United Nations Convention of 15 November 2000 against Transnational Organized Crime,
the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially women and children. Protocol
ratified by Cameroon (the Decree of 18 November 2004).
At the national level, the Cameroon government have legislative and regulatory measures critical to the implementation of
children's rights, and initiated procedures which are at a very advanced stage. These measures are:
The Civil Code which regulates the issue of parental responsibility in its articles 1384 and those following.
The Penal Code in which the protection of children's rights is evident, particularly in the provisions of Articles
29, 39 al.6, 48, 80, 179 (custody of a minor), 340 (infanticide), 341 (attack on descendants), 342 (slavery
and pawning) 198 paragraph 1 (b) and (c) (banned publications) and 337 and following articles that deal
with the child and family.
The adoption of Law No. 2005/007 / of 27 July 2005 on the Criminal Procedure Code, which has many
favorable provisions for the child who commits or is victim of an offense.
The adoption of Law No. 2011/024 of 14/12/2011 on the fight against the traffic and trade of persons,
repealing Law No. 2005/015 of 29/12/2005 on the fight against the traffic and trade of children.
Decree No. 2011/408 of 09/12/2011 on the organization of Government, establishing several departments in
charge of the promotion and protection of children’s rights. These are, for example, the Ministry of Social
Affairs (social protection of the child), the Ministry of Women's Empowerment and the Family (promotion of
children's rights), the Ministry of Basic Education (teaching Nursery and General Primary), the Ministry of
Secondary Education (technical and general education), the Ministry of Public Health (Prevention and health
care to the mother and child), the Ministry of Youth and Education Civic (promotion of leisure and post and
extracurricular activities, etc.).
The Labor Code and regulatory acts relating to labor from which children are prohibited.
Decree No. 90-524 of 23 March 1990 established a National Commission for Juvenile Delinquents,
Abandoned Children, or those in Moral Danger.
2. MATERIALS AND METHOD
The researcher made use of mixed methods, drawing on its strengths. The Qualitative approach was used to provide an
in-depth understanding of the experiences of adolescents and other research participants. Given that, the subject matter
of the study is subjective (individual experiences) in nature, focusing on what qualitative approach provided a rich
description and narrative which constituted a bridge that connects qualitative sociological studies. The descriptive
statistics provided summary information on demographics (age, sex, and years of experience). The principle of voluntary
participation was strictly adhered to. The respondents were not coerced into participating in the research and they were
asked to voluntarily give information. Prior to the FGDs or interview session, were informed about the purpose of the
study and what to expect during the interview. The researcher guaranteed the participants confidentiality in the entire
research process. Given that the study is qualitative in nature, the researcher ensured that the sample size was large
enough to allow for an in-depth understanding of the subject under study and small enough to allow for deep, case-
oriented analysis thereby avoiding saturation. The researcher was also guided by Britten’s numerical guidance for
qualitative study in determining the sample size.
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The participants included 10 children associated with non-state armed groups in detention (4 girls and 6 boys, mean age
15.75 years), 10 children associated with non-state armed groups in the communities (8 boys and 2 girls, mean age
16years), 10 community members (7 men and 3 women, mean age 40.7) and, 10 INGO workers (6 women and 4 men,
mean age 27.89) from the selected communities who participated in the FGD and key informant sessions examining the
experiences of children associated with armed groups and armed forces, with a focus on the risk factors for association,
Roles and possible mechanism that can be used to curb children’s participation in the ongoing socio-political crisis. The
communities were selected based on the impact that the crisis has had (intensity and duration).
The FDG sessions with adolescents in detention centres were held in prisons (2 central prisons), while the FGD sessions
and KIIs were conducted at the level of the communities. The questions were administered as interviews lasting
approximately 45minutes to 1 hour, though it sometimes exceeded to 1 hour 30 minutes due to the experience sharing
by the adolescents. Consent was gotten from the Regional Delegation of Penitentiary (as informed by the university to aid
the data collection process for the researcher’s dissertation). At the level of the communities, consent was gotten from
the participants (adult participants) and ascent was given by the adolescents participating in the sessions.
3. RESULTS
AND DISCUSSION
Levels And Forms of Children’s Association with Non-State Armed Groups and Armed Forces
The FGD sessions revealed that, children’s association with state and non-state armed groups are in different levels and
forms. As illustrated in the diagram below, children are associated with armed forces at 5 levels, the level of association
determines the level of risk and vulnerability.
Table 1:
levels and forms of children’s association.
Categories of children
Threat event
Likelihood
Impact
Risk level
Close
relatives
of
combatants
Exposure to violence
Possible
Significant
High
Trauma
Possible
Significant
High
Disruption of childhood
Possible
Significant
High
Arbitrary arrest
Likely
Minor
moderate
Stigma
Likely
minor
Moderate
Messengers/spies
Exposure to violence
Possible
Minor
Low
Distortion of childhood
Possible
Significant
High
Arrest/conflict with the law
Possible
Significant
Moderate
Trauma
Likely
Significant
Moderate
Cooks/laundry
(adolescent
girls)-
General housekeeping
Exposure to violence
Possible
Significant
High
GBV
Likely
Significant
High
Risk of arrest during military
invasion of camps
Possible
Likely
Moderate
Stigma
Possible
Possible
Low
Sexual purposes
Exposure to violence
Likely
Severe
High
Trauma
Likely
Severe
High
Pregnancy
Likely
Significant
High
STDs/HIV/AIDS
Likely
Significant
Moderate
Disruption of childhood
Likely
Severe
High
Stigma
Likely
Moderate
High
Exposure to arbitrary arrest
(conflict with the law)
Likely
Significant
Moderate
Combatants
Exposure to extreme forms of violence Likely
Severe
High
Death
Likely
Significant
High
Disruption of childhood
Likely
Severe
High
Trauma
Likely
Severe
High
Conflict with the law
Likely
Severe
High
Rejection by family and
community
Likely
Possible
Moderate
Risk Factors for Association and recruitment
In the context of Cameroon, the reason for association varies significantly based on the nature and causes of the crisis,
family, and community dynamics. The field notes revealed that there are commonalities amongst adolescents in their
trajectory to recruitment and association with non-state armed groups. These factors could be at personal level, influence
from family and community as discussed below:
Promised Utopia: Adolescent boys and girls join “the struggle” to contribute their quota in regaining the
promised land. According to the participants, they believe that things will get better when they finally secede and
rebuild the “Ambozonia” nation. This promised utopia is painted as a nation with maximum employment
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opportunities, good/paying jobs, better opportunities, functional schools, and health systems. All these promises
motivate adolescent boys and girls to join and stay dedicated to the course. They pledge their allegiance to the
course and see dead as a worthy course. Other socio-economic benefits (short term benefits) like access to
money, power, food, shelter, safety encourage out of school adolescent to join.
Association of older siblings: from the field notes and conversations raised during the FGDs, the participants
shared several opinions on how the association of older sibling influences younger siblings. One of the minors in
DCP recounted his experience as follows.
…I am not an “amba boy”, my elder brother is. On the day I was arrested, the military came to the
house to take my brother; it seems some people had given them information that my brother was part of
the fighters. When they got to our house, my brother was not at home (since they live in camps), so I
was arrested instead me to punish my brother. I am not sure my parents know that I am here because I
took us from M village.
The oldest of the minors, had this to say.
For me I think that it is easy to join the fighters when your older brothers are part of it. This is because you see
how much power they have, respect they get from the communities and from their conversation, you become so
familiar with the group and their ways of doing things. In some communities, it is the only option since most
sources of income like bike riding have been banned and schools are not functional. Owning a weapon is
perceived as a sign of power, being part of the team is like an adventure, fun experiences and wearing military
uniform also gives a lot of pride and honour.
From the above analysis, it can be observed that involvement of family members in armed groups has a significant impact
on association. Children may take on the roles modelled by older siblings and parents either to seek revenge, preserve
power, and fight inequalities or to promote the ideology championed by these role models.
Lack of Schools and alternative sources of employment: The NSAGs uses education as a major tool in the
context of the crisis. Education has been disrupted for the past four years, with major educational structures
being destroyed intentionally or unintentionally during cross fires and attacks on villages. Families responded to
this by sending their children to zones with functional schools, this is however an additional cost on low-income
families. Families who are unable to move, stay behind thereby exposing the children to the risk of joining NSAGs
as the only option to stay active and productive. The minors also highlighted the lack of employment
opportunities as a major cause of association. The researcher gathered that, most young boys join to secure a
source of livelihood, to take care of themselves and their parents. It was reported that, some adolescent girls join
to gain access to basic needs and get a “covering”/protection over themselves.
Although economic incentive is more often mentioned as a driver for boys as they are socialized to be providers,
this applies to girls in some contexts too, but is rather focused on contributing to the family income. Some
parents send their daughters to work for the armed group or armed force, as this may be one of the very few
options to earn money during wartime.
Desire to seek revenge and protect the community: the participants highlighted the quest to seek revenge
as a major reason for association. This is common when children loss close family members during a crossfire. In
some villages, orphans are expected to join the NSAGs to revenge and protect the community from subsequent
attacks. Some adolescent girls who have been molested by the SAGs, join the NSAGs to seek support, protection,
and empowerment to revenge for this act and protect other women and girls in the communities from all forms of
violence perpetrated by the SAGs, joining NSAGs is therefore perceived as an alternative solution to regain
control over their lives.
Violent Communities: the involvement of communities in armed conflict significantly influences the recruitment
of boys and girls. Community ties with an armed group or defense militia can lead to pressures on families to let
their children contribute to the fight for the protection of the community, families who fails to support are often
termed and treated as black legs and targeted by the NSAGs. Armed groups also tend to benefit from a very
strong supporting base as such communities puts pressure on families to satisfy the request of the armed group
in return of “peace” or protection of the community. The low presence of the State in remote areas, the absence
of government structures, basic services, livelihood options and strong inequalities regarding social distribution of
wealth leaves the population at the mercy of armed groups. In addition to this, displaced or refugee population
are also more at risk to be recruited due to their increased vulnerability, and IDP or refugee camps may be an
easier entry point to access people affected by conflict and to recruit children.
Abduction: According to the participants interviewed, abduction was not a very popular means of recruitment in
the context of the Anglophone crisis. It can however be a common form of recruitment for girls but not for boys.
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These girls are abducted to serve in different capacities, sometimes they act as spies for the military or NSAGs,
giving information and updates on the activities of either camps. The girls also serve as cooks, wives (not formal
wives) and others serve as combatants. One of the respondents noted that.
Sometimes, these girls are not forced to join, they may voluntarily associate themselves with NSAGs for
protection (protection for themselves and families), the prestige and honor that comes with being the
girlfriend of a commander etc. Source: Male CAAFAG (kII)
One of the girls recounted that.
… we were arrested at the camps, we were dating the boys so we went there to cook and the military came to
attack the area. When they got there, they ran away leaving us behind. We were arrested and taken to the
gendarmerie and brought to this big prison after some days. I am an orphan so there is no one to bail us. I don’t
like being here…
Preventing and Responding to Child Recruitment
Effective prevention and response measures requires action at all levels, from the individual, family, community, and
society. In this paper, Prevention focuses on measures aimed at preventing the recruitment and use of children by armed
groups while Response will target children already associated with armed groups and armed forces at the different levels
identified above. The response strategies will major on desistance and disengagement (the processing of getting children
to abstain or cease from group activities that they had previously engaged in, either passively or actively), rehabilitation
and reintegration.
In 2018, the Cameroon government created a demobilization and rehabilitation centre for ex-combatants, but the
intervention is not sensitive to the needs of children as child soldiers and adult ex-combatants are lodged in the same
facility, which poses a major safeguarding concern for children as it exposes them to greater risk and can have
consequences, lasting and damaging, for their future development. In armed conflicts, children with prisoner-of-war
status benefit from the protection of the Third Geneva Convention and Additional Protocol I and cannot be prosecuted for
taking part in hostilities. This status is supposed to be emphasized in the context of Cameroon, through research and
advocacy, highlighting the association of children as vulnerability and a major child protection risk and concern. ICRC
proposed the following strategies when dealing with or programming a response for children associated with armed
groups and armed forces.
That detained children are housed separately from adult detainees, except where they are lodged with their
families.
If the child is not freed, and in the event of prolonged detention, that the child is transferred as soon as possible
to an appropriate institution for minors.
That the child has direct, regular, and frequent contacts with his or her family
That the child is provided with food, hygiene and medical care appropriate for its age.
That the child spends a large part of the day outdoors whenever possible
That the child can continue its schooling.
Community level
Family
Individual
Community
-strengthen capacities of
community structures to
engage in local advocacy
with stakeholders
-social
norms
and
behaviour change
-mass sensitization on
stigmatization
and
shaming
Family
-strengthen the
capacities of
families to provide
response and
consistent care to
children in this
category (positive
parenting and life
skill sessions)
-parenting support
services through
line munities
-social
connectedness
(belonging,
social capital)
-stability
-safety
-mastery
-access to
resources
-Justice for children
-Train military officials
on child protection with
emphasis on CAAFAGs
as victims not criminals
-Strengthen the
capacities of Borstal
institutions to serve as
reception centres for
children in this category
-Social protection
through line ministries
Structural level
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Children who have been unlawfully recruited and who are accused of having committed domestic or international crimes
during armed conflicts should be regarded primarily as victims, not as perpetrators, and treated as such. Their treatment
must accord with international law and with standards for juvenile justice. States must fix a minimum age for criminal
responsibility, which should not be below 12 years at the absolute minimum. No child under the age of criminal
responsibility must be prosecuted. Criminal laws, procedures and institutions should be adapted to the specific needs of
children. Furthermore, when children are prosecuted for crimes under international or domestic law, allegedly committed
while associated with armed forces or armed groups, they must be tried before independent and impartial judicial bodies
and afforded all the judicial guarantees that are generally recognized as indispensable. The purpose of any sentence that
is handed down against these children should be to rehabilitate them and ease their reintegration into their communities,
hence the emphasis is on correction and rehabilitation and not punishment.
4. CONCLUSION
From the above analysis, children associated with armed groups and armed forces require long-term, structured, and
sustained rehabilitation and reintegration programs this is because the factors that predispose children to recruitment and
association with armed groups and armed forces are multifaceted. An integrated approach is required to target
prevention and response, with major efforts on advocacy, prevention, rehabilitation, and reintegration.
List of acronym used in this article:
FGDs: Focused Group Discussions,
ICRC: International Committee of the Red Crosss,
OCHA: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs,
CRS: Catholic Relief Services,
UN: United Nations,
AP: Additional Protocol,
GCIV: Fourth Geneva Convention,
ILO: International Labour Organization,
FGD: Focused Group Discussion,
INGO: International Non-governmental Organization,
KII: Key Informant Interview,
STD: Sexually Transmitted Disease,
HIV: Human immunodeficiency Viruses,
AIDS: Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome,
DCP: Digital Contact Platform,
NSAG: Non State Armed Groups,
CAAFAG: Child Associated with Armed Groups and Armed forces,
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https://www.savethechildren.org/content/dam/usa/reports/annual-report/annual-report/sc-2010-annualreport.pdf
How to cite this article:
Kelly Ngesungwo Jabosung. CHILDREN ASSOCIATED WITH ARMED GROUPS AND ARMED
FORCES: EXPERIENCES FROM CAMEROON. Am. J. innov. res. appl. sci. 2022; 15(2): 10-16.
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